Diplomatic Immunity for Mexican Ex-President Zedillo? Beatriz Schiava - Examiner.com
go to original August 22, 2012

Mexican Ex-President and Yale Economics Professor Ernesto Zedillo (Vanguardia)

Mexican Ex-President and Yale Economics Professor Ernesto Zedillo, is awaiting response from the U.S. Department of Justice about his petition to grant him immunity for his alleged responsibility in the brutal massacre at the village of Acteal, State of Chiapas, Mexico in 1997, during his administration. According to Notimex, the U.S. Department of Justice has until September 7th to ask the Judge in New Haven, Connecticut for immunity in the civil law suit against Zedillo.

Mr. Zedillo claimed immunity, and the administration of President Calderón came to his help requesting immunity for Mr. Zedillo from the U.S. Department of Justice, a move that is common in Mexican politics to cover wrongdoings of preceding presidents. Yet, Mr. Calderón may have a keen interest in setting a precedent for his own immunity, if the civilian victims of his war against drugs should decide to press charges or start a civil action against him in American territory.

A group of academics, journalists and human rights activists, represented by Mexican attorney Netzaí Sandoval filed a complaint against Calderon and the Sinaloa drug cartel with the International Criminal Court in The Hague alleging war crimes and crimes against humanity on November 25, 2011. The law suit was supported by thousands of signatures of outraged Mexican citizens. The Federal Institute for Access to the Information and Protection of Data will release in the next three months the diplomatic document sent by the Calderón administration to the U.S. Department of Justice to request Mr. Zedillo’s immunity.

Yet, in the collective memory of the Mexican people the atrocities of the Acteal massacre, perpetrated amid difficult circumstances and the brutality and cruelty of the massacre, despite the innocence of the mostly women and children victims is alive and wounded after 14 years of impunity.

Starting with the rise of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in January of 1994 the Mexican government put in place a carefully crafted strategic paramilitary plan known as the Campaign Plan (Plan de Campaña). Its only aim was to break the support of the indigenous people of Chiapas for the EZLN, which is formed by indigenous people for indigenous people.

The Zapatista movement occupied several communities, seizing cities and small towns in the state of Chiapas so as to call attention to the violence and land grabbing that the indigenous communities were being subjected to. The Mexican army was able to repel the fire, forcing the Zapatistas to seek refuge in the jungle and highlands of Chiapas, leaving its supporters, the indigenous communities, unprotected and exposed to paramilitary forces. Las Abejas (The Bees), a peaceful civilian group of indigenous people supported the ideals of the EZLN, but disagreed in their use of force.

The indigenous communities were displaced from their lands by paramilitary groups trained and armed by the government, destroying their houses and through violent threats forced the indigenous people of Chenalho, Chiapas to flee to the mountains. While the indigenous people were praying in a Catholic chapel, a paramilitary group of 90 people called the red mask, invaded their territory, persecuted the indigenous communities and killed them with weapons and expansive bullets that are restricted to military use.

According to National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book No. 283, the official governmental version given by Attorney General Jorge Madrazo in 1998: "This horror is blamed on groups of armed civilians in the municipality of Chenalhó, neither organized, created, trained, nor financed by the Mexican Army nor by any other government entity.” Mr. Madrazo added that it was an ethnic conflict among communities. However, in a telegram sent to DIA headquarters in Washington on May 4, 1999 the U.S. Defense Attaché Office in Mexico” highlights the “direct support,” of armed groups in the mountains and the Chenalho communities.

Another document dated December 31, 1997 contains information on the deployment of thousands of soldiers in the region of Chenalho, Chiapas, and how the paramilitaries extorted the Tzotzil population and forced them to work without pay. The document explains how this oppression was forced on the indigenous communities at hands of the paramilitaries who ruled the indigenous communities with fear, threats, and violence.

45 unarmed people died in December 1997, mostly women and children, with three of the women being pregnant. A military base and security officers of the State of Chiapas were close to the area of the killings and did nothing to help avoid the massacre.

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